Category Archives: Bolivia

War on Drugs a Failure in Latin America

According to this report by the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), the “war on drugs” has also been a flop south of the border.  After studying the situation in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay, WOLA concluded as follows:

In all these countries, the emphasis placed by drug control efforts on criminal sanctions has given rise to a significant increase in the number of persons incarcerated for drug offenses. The enforcement of severe laws for drug offenses has not only been ineffective in curbing the production, trafficking, and consumption of illicit substances, but has generated enormous negative consequences, including overwhelming caseloads in the courts, overcrowding in the prisons, and the suffering of tens of thousands of persons behind bars for small-scale drug offenses or simple possession. The weight of the drug laws has been felt with greater force among the most disadvantaged and vulnerable sectors of society.

Download the full report here.

TIPNIS Post on TerraNullius

Stop by TN for my latest thoughts on the TIPNIS conflict, including a discussion of the government’s plan for a consultation with park residents.  Here’s a snippet:

On October 24, 2011, Bolivians breathed a collective sigh of relief.  After a two-month struggle, culminating in massive protests in front of the Presidential Palace in La Paz, Evo Morales signed a bill declaring the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro-Secure (TIPNIS) “untouchable.”

The controversial road connecting Villa Tunari with San Ignacio de Moxos would not pass through the national park and protected indigenous territory.  The peoples’ cry to defend TIPNIS had been heard; “Evo Pueblo” had lived up to his moniker, even if only under extreme pressure, and had listened to his constituents.  He even said so himself:  “The TIPNIS issue is resolved,” he declared. “This is governing by obeying the people.”

Or so we thought.  Though many were probably skeptical from the start, many others—myself included—thought the case was closed.  The government would still likely construct a road between Villa Tunari and San Ignacio de Moxos, but the new law dictated that it would skirt the park.  That, not prohibition of a road altogether, had always been the goal.

As the last few weeks have shown, however, the victory dance was premature.  On February 10, 2012, President Morales signed a new law bringing back from the dead the possibility a road through TIPNIS.  Three-and-a-half months after declaring the park “untouchable,” Morales signed a law calling for a “prior consultation” to determine whether the road should go forward as originally planned. How did this happen, and how can we make sense of it?

Read the rest here.  Thanks again to TN’s Rhodri C. Williams for the opportunity to post on his great site.

-NF

No Gas for You

Gasoline in Bolivia is cheap, with a liter running around 60 cents.  Not only is that a steal in comparison to U.S. and European prices, it’s a bargain compared to prices in neighboring countries like Argentina and Chile.  The government accomplishes this feat through heavy subsidization, leveraging its control of the nationalized gas industry.  Yet, as is the natural effect of subsidies, it’s a heavy drain on the public coffers.  And, as one might expect, it presents an attractive opportunity for folks to cross the border from Argentina or Chile and turn a profit.  I’m not sure what the total cost runs, but the Bolivian government felt it grave enough to announce a plan to scrap the subsidies in 2010.  That never happened, as the public launched a series of mass protests that forced the government to yield.

With this background in mind, I was only mildly surprised to hear that gas stations in at least some parts of Bolivia were refusing to sell gas to cars with foreign plates.  When I heard that was due to a new law, I became a bit more concerned.  There are a number of ways to combat the situation short of this drastic step, charging more to foreign motorists being the most obvious.

A quick search on Google cleared things up.  According to this report in La Razon, the “law” I was told about does not exist.  Here’s the real situation:  The law sets the price for cars with Bolivian plates at 3.7 Bolivianos per liter; cars with foreign plates must pay between 8.8 and 9 Bolivianos per liter.

So far so good, from my point of view.  So why are gas stations refusing to serve foreigners at the pump?  Essentially, there’s a bureaucratic hold-up.  The national gas company, YPFB, has yet to generate the necessary paperwork (basically, special receipts) to ensure that sales to foreign motorists are made at the elevated price.

So there you have it.  Not nearly as nefarious as I was led to believe.  Hopefully they’ll fix this little hiccup in a hurry, and foreign motorists will be on their way.  In the meantime, be sure to fill up and carry extra gas before you hit the border.

-NF

 

Guest Posting re TIPNIS on TerraNullius: The Housing, Land, and Property Weblog

Rhodri Williams of TerraNullius has kindly offered me the chance to share with his readers some thoughts on the TIPNIS saga.  I’ll save the details for the main post, but the last few weeks have seen some important developments.

Apart from these factual updates, a conversation with a local sociology professor has provided new insight into the historical and cultural factors that must be examined if we are to understand why this has played out the way it has.  Look for the post on TN sometime soon.

TIPNIS Update: Government Set to Consult with Stakeholders, Determine Fate of Proposed Road

The proposed freeway connecting Villa Tunari and San Ignacio de Moxos is once again dominating Bolivian headlines.  The road — drawn up to cut through the center of a national park and protected indigenous territory (“TIPNIS”) — has inflamed passions on all sides.  The coca growers want the road to open up new territory and facilitate transportation; many (but not all) within the local indigenous communities are opposed.

Many of us thought this dispute was essentially over on October 24, 2011, when President Morales signed a law scrapping construction through TIPNIS and declaring the region “untouchable.”  Apparently not.  President Morales has now announced his intent to consult with the affected parties, including not only park residents but also area coca growers.

Skepticism among the public is running at an all-time high.  Despite the government’s claim that it is simply trying to determine and effectuate the public’s will, many see the move as a transparent attempt to resurrect a plan that the public already forcefully rejected.  If the government were to consult only TIPNIS residents, this perception would likely go away.  However, by consulting coca growers living in the general region, La Paz has opened the door to criticism of rigging the process.

Trying to predict the outcome of this conflict is like tossing a pair of dice . . . dice that keep on rolling.

-NF

UPDATE:  Dario Kenner of Bolivia Diary has a great post on this topic, including an interview with anthropologist Xavier Albo and translations of speeches by President Morales and indigenous leader Nelly Romero.

Who Says State-Owned Companies Can’t Compete with the Privates? Bolivia’s National Airline Bucks the Trend.

I’ve been fairly critical of the Morales administration over the last few months; despite that, I feel the government has done a number of inspiring things.  Giving poor families cash to keep their kids in school probably tops the list, but the government’s success with BoA, the state airline launched in 2009, also deserves mention.  The Washington Post has the write-up:

Bolivian airline a model operation

In just three years, Bolivia’s state airline has pushed aside private carriers, bucking an international trend toward privatisation while becoming the leader in domestic flights for a poor Andean country where flying remains a luxury.

Boliviana de Aviacion (BoA) has abolished first class and sells all seats for the same low prices, marketing the flights with a socialist stamp in keeping with President Evo Morales’ insistence that ‘all are equal’.

The story of how BoA has managed to fly high while governments elsewhere have been privatising or bailing out their state-run carriers reflects shrewd timing in filling a void in the market, as well as cut-rate fares that have attracted a growing clientele.

BoA now controls about half of Bolivia’s domestic air travel market. As its routes and earnings have grown, it has announced plans to expand its fleet by buying as many as six new Embraer 190 planes from Brazil.

‘BoA has been an interesting bet on the government’s part,’ said Armando Mendez, an analyst and former president of Bolivia’s Central Bank. ‘Little by little, it has captured more acceptance and it competes with the private company AeroSur.’

Mendez said BoA seems to be bringing healthy competition to Bolivia, where five airlines battle in a market of about 1.5 million passengers a year. The airline has successfully filled a gap left by the 2007 failure of Lloyd Aereo Boliviano, a former state-run company that went bankrupt after failed attempts to privatize it.

. . . .
BoA won over clients by offering two-for-one deals during its first year in 2009. Since then, it has kept fares low, and its main competitor AeroSur has accused BoA of unfair pricing tactics and subsidies.

While AeroSur charges about $US245 ($A236) for a round-trip adult ticket between the cities of La Paz and Santa Cruz this month, BoA charges about $US190 ($A183). It also offers discounts for the elderly and children.

On the Brink? TIPNIS Law to be Revisted by Bolivian Legislature

Though it’s probably difficult for outside observers to imagine–and even tough for many of us here in Bolivia–there is a chance that the gains of October could be reversed.  Dario Kenner of Bolivia Diary reports as follows:

The Plurinational Assembly (Congress and Senate) approved Law 180 on 24 October. A few days ago it was formally introduced for further discussion on the parliament´s agenda. The intention is to  modify the law to build the road through the TIPNIS. It is unclear how long this process will take but it could happen soon.

Modifying the law is a very real possibility because since the 2009 general election the governing Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party has enjoyed a two thirds majority in the Plurinational Assembly (Congress and Senate) and controls the executive branch. However, it might not be quite so straightforward because several indigenous MAS represenatives in the Congress have said they will no longer vote with the MAS.

It is no coincidence the Morales government is now attempting to reverse Law 180. A march led by indigenous communities in the south of the TIPNIS represented by CONISUR (Indigenous Council of the South) is expected to arrive in La Paz very soon. Around a thousand have marched since 20 December 2011 from the edge of the national park to demand the reversal of Law 180 and for the road to be built through the TIPNIS (for more information see Bolivia Diary article on the CONISUR march and interview with expert on TIPNIS Sarela Paz).

For the full story by Dario, click here.

 

Tragedy in Yapacaní: Three Dead, Thousands of Questions

Dario Kenner of Bolivia Diary has the story here.  In a nutshell, residents of Yapacani forced out the mayor a while back, and the national government sent in the police, 400 strong, to assist the mayor in his attempt to reclaim the office.  What happened next is a bit fuzzy.  Tensions between two factions of MAS supporters–some in favor of the mayor and some opposed–worsened with the presence of the police.   Violence broke out, shots were fired, and three young adults wound up dead.

Examinations revealed that two died from gunshot wounds, while the third was electrocuted.  Reports also state that, as the police left the area, angry citizens fired shots at their buses.

The government has denied that police were authorized to use their firearms.  Citizens in Yapacani are blocking the road to Santa Cruz and calling for the resignation of Interior Minister Wilfredo Chávez and Santa Cruz Police Commander Lily Cortez.

What a mess.  I think it’s too early to assign definitive responsibility–and it sounds like there may be many at fault in this one–but it’s clear that the government is having major problems managing conflicts.  The fact that tensions within MAS sparked this tragedy underscores the MASistas’ tenuous hold on power.

So does this bit of news:  Evo has invited fourteen political parties, including the major opposition parties MSN and MNR, to attend a summit on Monday to discuss the nation’s political agenda.  Evo could use all the help he can get.

-NF

Hat Tip: Dario Kenner, Bolivia Diary.

Bolivia news on the story:  Los Tiempos, El Diario.

 

The Role of Courts in Monitoring and Enforcing Rights of Internally Displaced Persons

I know next to nothing about this topic, but TerraNullius has a very interesting post that has caught my interest.  Here’s a snippet:

The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) recently published its latest overview of the situation of internal displacement in Colombia.  Among other things, this document highlights the latest decision by the Constitutional Court of Colombia ruling that, seven years after it started monitoring the situation of IDPs and the Governmental response, the conditions that IDPs face in Colombia still amount to a widespread and generalized violation of their human rights (what the Court calls an ‘unconstitutional state of affairs’; or an estado de cosas inconstitucional or ECI, in Spanish.)

The Court first declared an ECI in relation to the situation of IDPs on January 22, 2004, and since then it has maintained oversight of the process towards overcoming the ECI, issuing over 100 follow-up decisions and holding nearly a dozen hearings with stakeholders.  This is not the first time that the Court has ruled that a widespread or structural violation of rights exists in Colombia. It did so for the first time in 1997 and since then on seven subsequent occasions, on issues ranging from prison overcrowding to shortcomings of the national healthcare system.

Much valuable commentary has been written about the role of the Court in shaping and defining IDP policy in Colombia, including by those leading the process from within the bench, as well as about the Court’s invaluable contributions to comparative jurisprudence in the development of social policies in the global South, including in India, South Africa and a number of other Latin American countries.  The aim of this inquiry is to examine the implications of the Court’s latest decision regarding the question of the end of displacement.

According to Wikipedia, an “internally displaced person (IDP) is someone who is forced to flee his or her home but who remains within his or her country’s borders. They are often referred to as refugees, although they do not fall within the current legal definition of a refugee. At the end of 2006 it was estimated there were 24.5 million IDPs in some 52 countries. The region with the largest IDP population is Africa with some 11.8 million in 21 countries.”

I don’t know what the IDP situation is like here in Bolivia.  Certainly, the last 30 years have seen massive internal migration, with many people from the highland provinces moving into the central valleys and eastern lowlands.  But much of this movement has been caused by the collapse of the mining industry, not violence or persecution.  Does that automatically take IDP status out of the picture?

-NF

Hat Tip:  TerraNullius and Sebastián Albuja

 

Article on Bolivia’s Quest to Regain the Pacific

Thanks to the Journal of Foreign Relations for running this short piece on Bolivia’s struggle to recover its identity as a maritime nation. Comments welcome!

-NF