Tag Archives: Bolivia

The Role of Government in Times of Conflict: Thoughts on the Political Crisis in Bolivia

In a healthy democracy — which may only exist in the mind — government excels at listening.  Government understands that it exists to serve the public.  It designs its policy agenda to further the interests of the majority while protecting the interests of the minority, and, in the event public sentiment changes, it modifies its agenda without remorse.

In addition to listening, government in a healthy democracy excels at moderating conflict and encouraging dialogue.  Government serves to unite disparate factions — or at least bring them closer together — not to deepen their divisions and incite further conflict.

Over the past few months — and especially over the past few weeks — the government in La Paz has violated these precepts.  The government is not listening to the people, it is refusing to modify its agenda in light of widespread opposition, and it is amplifying deep-seated social conflicts in a desperate attempt to save its hold on power.

As I mentioned in my last post, the past few weeks have seen mounting protests from virtually every sector save the cocaleros.  Health-care workers and medical students, university professors, unionized labor, transport workers, miners, TIPNIS residents and supporters – they’re all protesting government policies and, one might say, the basic attitude on display in La Paz.

Police clash with protestors in La Paz on May 9. Photo credit: El Dia.

Rather than acknowledging the criticism and engaging in real dialogue to find a solution, the government has hurled insults, launched gas into protesting crowds, and called upon the cocaleros and other die-hard MAS supporters to take to the streets in defense of the “process of change.”

This latest move is particularly disturbing.  Indeed, it is tantamount to inciting violence.  When Vice President Alvaro Garcia Linera labeled the health workers’ blockade-and-strike tactics “criminal” – the same tactics MAS used to bring down Goni a few years back — and then invited MAS supporters to take to the streets in counter march, he must have known that he was creating the conditions for violence. Although widespread violence has thus far been avoided (though La Paz did get a little crazy yesterday), the government’s approach has only heightened tensions.

The saddest part is that the government and those in support of MAS policies surely have legitimate arguments.  Some of the demands made by the protestors go too far, just as some of the policies advocated by the cocaleros go too far.  In times like this, the government should serve as a moderator.  Instead, this government is simply pitting one side (which now seems to be the minority) against another.

-NF

UPDATE:  Not surprisingly, Dario Kenner has some excellent coverage of the protests on Bolivia Diary.

The Cruelest Month: April in Review

It’s been a crazy month here in Cochabamba.  In most parts of the world — and this is usually the case even in Bolivia — one witnesses a mass protest and asks, “What’s going on?”  Lately, people living in Bolivia only pose that question if there is not a sizable protest on any given day.  The situation is as tense as it’s been since the October TIPNIS conflict.  Here is a brief overview, along with some links:

  • Medical sector v. government:  Doctors, medical students, nurses, and hospital workers have been on strike for the past few weeks over a new law that would increase hours without increasing pay.  The last week has seen massive blockades across the entire country.
  • Transportation workers v. government:  This issue has been limited to Cochabamba, where a new law seeks to restrict cab-drivers’ access to downtown.
  • TIPNIS residents and supporters v. government:  The second march in opposition to the freeway through TIPNIS is now underway.  The previous weeks saw President Morales visit several area villages bearing gifts, such as boat motors.  The visits were widely interpreted as the administration’s attempt to curry favor in support of the road.
  • Labor v. government: Demanding reform to minimum-wage laws, union workers across the country have been waging an anti-government campaign.

Detecting a pattern here?  These days, it seems, the Morales administration can only count on the cocaleros and die-hard MASistas for support.  If it was too early to speculate on Evo’s downfall in October, the question has now become impossible to ignore.  I’m not suggesting it will happen — and I’m not even sure it would be a positive development, all things considered — but let’s just say you can feel something in the air.

-NF

P.S. Though it happened in May — just two days ago — I would be remiss if I failed to mention the government’s decision to nationalize the electrical grid, seizing power from Spanish firm Repsol SA.  More thoughts on this in the next day or two.

Coca-Leaf Justice

In the Andes, coca has many uses.  It is chewed to combat fatigue and altitude-sickness, brewed into a tea, used to flavor liquor, offered to Pachamama (Mother Earth) in recognition of her gifts, and, yes, converted into cocaine.  One of the more interesting — and controversial — uses of coca is its role in traditional indigenous justice.

For centuries, village leaders in Bolivia and other Andean nations have consulted coca leaves when administering justice.  In a ritual that has been honed over time, the men or women in charge of the matter spread the leaves out on a cloth and “read” them, divining guilt and innocence, and perhaps the appropriate punishment, from the leaves’ orientation.

Some scholars have defended this practice as satisfying due process.  According to these scholars, punishment based upon coca-reading does not violate human rights (at least in terms of due-process concerns).  Most have condemned the practice, finding it far too arbitrary to meet basic norms of fairness and reasonable decision-making.

Interesting, but fairly obscure stuff, right?  I mean, it’s not like the national courts are using this approach.  Or are they?

In a story that has captured the attention of the BBC, a judge of Bolivia’s highest court stated earlier this week that he reads coca leaves to decide the toughest cases.  He has since back-pedaled a bit, stating that he does not consult the leaves to determine specific outcomes, but only to make sure his rulings are consistent with a general spirit of justice and right action.

The news has created a heavy backlash against a court system that was already struggling to gain public confidence.  Though some have defended the judge’s practice as consistent with the pluralistic nature of the Bolivian Constitution, most (including the chief judge and legislature) find it deeply troubling.

While I’m willing to acknowledge that it’s not entirely black and white, I have to stand with the majority on this one.  I applaud the effort to incorporate notions of indigenous and community justice; Bolivia has been a real leader on this front, with its 2009 Constitution placing indigenous justice on an equal footing with traditional, state-sponsored justice.  Communal decision-making, alternative punishments (including punishments that give back to the community, and exile as the ultimate punishment) — these and other practices are rightly welcomed to the table.  But reading coca leaves to render decisions is going too far.

I would probably feel differently if the subject of the case agreed to such a process.  Absent that, I think this practice simply undermines the credibility of indigenous and community justice.  That is a shame.  These alternative systems already face a tremendous challenge in finding purchase with the international community.  They don’t need distractions like this getting in the way.

-NF

Take Out the Papers and the Trash

Earlier this week, I had the opportunity to take out the trash from our home here in Cochabamba.  I’m not sure how I avoided this task for so many months, but the day had finally come.  According to my wife, who was born in Cochabamba and only moved away for the first time three years ago, this used to be as simple as handing the bags to a truck driver who came by every few days.  This service was scrapped in 2000 or so in favor of a fleet of neighborhood dumpsters, under the administration of then-mayor Manfred Reyes Villa.  Though Reyes Villa is often credited for having cleaned up the city, this policy has led to questionable results.

Here, a picture would do far more justice than words.  Even though the neighborhood I call home is relatively well-off, one has to walk three blocks to the nearest set of dumpsters.  The scene upon arrival is disturbing.  The dumpsters are constantly over-flowing — even though I have taken out the trash just once, I pass the dumpsters on a regular basis — converting an area half the size of a football field into a complete disaster.  The scattered refuse attracts stray dogs, who feed on the trash and add their own mess on top of it all.

Though I haven’t done any dedicated observation, I would be willing to bet that the dumpsters are picked up no more than once a week.   If that is the case, then the overflow should come as no surprise — three dumpsters for dozens and dozens of houses is simply not enough.

All this has me thinking these days about the global trash problem.  If there is any one issue that stresses the need for sustainability, this may be it.  Consider the following:

  • Every year, Americans throw away enough paper and plastic cups, forks, and spoons to circle the equator 300 times.
  • Our oceans now host “trash islands,” or floating garbage patches, created by the concentrating powers of tides and pressure systems.
  • In Rio, illegal trash dumps proliferate and serve as one of the main sources of greenhouse gases.
  • “In Beijing, about 170,000 migrant workers scour streets and rummage through trash bins for recyclable items they can sell. Some of them live among piles of trash at large recycling centers. A study of these workers found they process about one third of Beijing’s trash but most have criminal records and 70 percent have contracted infectious diseases such as dysentery, hepatitis and typhoid which they can pass on to others. “

-NF

P.S.  For more on the trash situation in Cochabamba, and conditions near the main dump in particular, check out this entry over at A Walk in Bolivia.

Coca to Coffee in Bolivia’s Yungas Region: What TIME Fails to Consider

TIME ran an article yesterday celebrating the decision of many farmers in Bolivia’s Yungas region — home of the infamous “Camino de la Muerte” — to switch from coca to coffee production.  Boiled down to its essence, the story makes the following points: (1) coca growers respond to the market like anyone else; (2) increasing coffee prices have made the switch attractive; and (3) technical assistance from USAID allowed the farmers to make the switch and produce high-quality beans.  Laced throughout the story, of course, is the idea that alternative agricultural development is key to curbing the illegal drug trade.

So far, so good.  I agree with TIME’s basic stance on the importance of alternative crops — though many such programs have resulted in catastrophic failure — and it’s nice to hear that some in the Yungas are embracing the idea.  That being said, however, TIME overlooks a major question:  What’s happening in the Chapare?  The TIME article reads as though, by virtue of the coca-to-coffee phenomenon in the Yungas, overall cocaine production in Bolivia has decreased.  That may be true — I don’t have the statistics — but it’s hardly the logical or even probable conclusion.  Why?  Because, according to most people I’ve talked with down here, the Yungas is not Bolivia’s major coca-for-cocaine production zone.  That dubious distinction belongs to Cochabamba’s Chapare region.

Though TIME acknowledges that the Chapare is Bolivia’s other major coca-growing zone, it fails to inquire whether coca growing in the Chapare has increased.  This is a critical question, especially in light of the dramatic “colonization” of TIPNIS over the years by cocaleros.  If, as many claim, most of the Chapare coca goes to cocaine while most of the Yungas coca goes to traditional uses (tea, leaves for chewing, etc.), then the Yungas project may be of little impact at best and misguided at worst.

On the other hand, even if most of the displaced coca in the Yungas was never headed to the drug market, success with coffee there could pave the way for success with coffee in the Chapare.  In the best of worlds, the Yungas project serves as a model for Chapare, making real inroads into Bolivia’s drug problem.

-NF

TIPNIS Post on TerraNullius

Stop by TN for my latest thoughts on the TIPNIS conflict, including a discussion of the government’s plan for a consultation with park residents.  Here’s a snippet:

On October 24, 2011, Bolivians breathed a collective sigh of relief.  After a two-month struggle, culminating in massive protests in front of the Presidential Palace in La Paz, Evo Morales signed a bill declaring the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro-Secure (TIPNIS) “untouchable.”

The controversial road connecting Villa Tunari with San Ignacio de Moxos would not pass through the national park and protected indigenous territory.  The peoples’ cry to defend TIPNIS had been heard; “Evo Pueblo” had lived up to his moniker, even if only under extreme pressure, and had listened to his constituents.  He even said so himself:  “The TIPNIS issue is resolved,” he declared. “This is governing by obeying the people.”

Or so we thought.  Though many were probably skeptical from the start, many others—myself included—thought the case was closed.  The government would still likely construct a road between Villa Tunari and San Ignacio de Moxos, but the new law dictated that it would skirt the park.  That, not prohibition of a road altogether, had always been the goal.

As the last few weeks have shown, however, the victory dance was premature.  On February 10, 2012, President Morales signed a new law bringing back from the dead the possibility a road through TIPNIS.  Three-and-a-half months after declaring the park “untouchable,” Morales signed a law calling for a “prior consultation” to determine whether the road should go forward as originally planned. How did this happen, and how can we make sense of it?

Read the rest here.  Thanks again to TN’s Rhodri C. Williams for the opportunity to post on his great site.

-NF

No Gas for You

Gasoline in Bolivia is cheap, with a liter running around 60 cents.  Not only is that a steal in comparison to U.S. and European prices, it’s a bargain compared to prices in neighboring countries like Argentina and Chile.  The government accomplishes this feat through heavy subsidization, leveraging its control of the nationalized gas industry.  Yet, as is the natural effect of subsidies, it’s a heavy drain on the public coffers.  And, as one might expect, it presents an attractive opportunity for folks to cross the border from Argentina or Chile and turn a profit.  I’m not sure what the total cost runs, but the Bolivian government felt it grave enough to announce a plan to scrap the subsidies in 2010.  That never happened, as the public launched a series of mass protests that forced the government to yield.

With this background in mind, I was only mildly surprised to hear that gas stations in at least some parts of Bolivia were refusing to sell gas to cars with foreign plates.  When I heard that was due to a new law, I became a bit more concerned.  There are a number of ways to combat the situation short of this drastic step, charging more to foreign motorists being the most obvious.

A quick search on Google cleared things up.  According to this report in La Razon, the “law” I was told about does not exist.  Here’s the real situation:  The law sets the price for cars with Bolivian plates at 3.7 Bolivianos per liter; cars with foreign plates must pay between 8.8 and 9 Bolivianos per liter.

So far so good, from my point of view.  So why are gas stations refusing to serve foreigners at the pump?  Essentially, there’s a bureaucratic hold-up.  The national gas company, YPFB, has yet to generate the necessary paperwork (basically, special receipts) to ensure that sales to foreign motorists are made at the elevated price.

So there you have it.  Not nearly as nefarious as I was led to believe.  Hopefully they’ll fix this little hiccup in a hurry, and foreign motorists will be on their way.  In the meantime, be sure to fill up and carry extra gas before you hit the border.  For more practical tips, check out Drive the Americas.

-NF

 

Guest Posting re TIPNIS on TerraNullius: The Housing, Land, and Property Weblog

Rhodri Williams of TerraNullius has kindly offered me the chance to share with his readers some thoughts on the TIPNIS saga.  I’ll save the details for the main post, but the last few weeks have seen some important developments.

Apart from these factual updates, a conversation with a local sociology professor has provided new insight into the historical and cultural factors that must be examined if we are to understand why this has played out the way it has.  Look for the post on TN sometime soon.

TIPNIS Update: Government Set to Consult with Stakeholders, Determine Fate of Proposed Road

The proposed freeway connecting Villa Tunari and San Ignacio de Moxos is once again dominating Bolivian headlines.  The road — drawn up to cut through the center of a national park and protected indigenous territory (“TIPNIS”) — has inflamed passions on all sides.  The coca growers want the road to open up new territory and facilitate transportation; many (but not all) within the local indigenous communities are opposed.

Many of us thought this dispute was essentially over on October 24, 2011, when President Morales signed a law scrapping construction through TIPNIS and declaring the region “untouchable.”  Apparently not.  President Morales has now announced his intent to consult with the affected parties, including not only park residents but also area coca growers.

Skepticism among the public is running at an all-time high.  Despite the government’s claim that it is simply trying to determine and effectuate the public’s will, many see the move as a transparent attempt to resurrect a plan that the public already forcefully rejected.  If the government were to consult only TIPNIS residents, this perception would likely go away.  However, by consulting coca growers living in the general region, La Paz has opened the door to criticism of rigging the process.

Trying to predict the outcome of this conflict is like tossing a pair of dice . . . dice that keep on rolling.

-NF

UPDATE:  Dario Kenner of Bolivia Diary has a great post on this topic, including an interview with anthropologist Xavier Albo and translations of speeches by President Morales and indigenous leader Nelly Romero.

Who Says State-Owned Companies Can’t Compete with the Privates? Bolivia’s National Airline Bucks the Trend.

I’ve been fairly critical of the Morales administration over the last few months; despite that, I feel the government has done a number of inspiring things.  Giving poor families cash to keep their kids in school probably tops the list, but the government’s success with BoA, the state airline launched in 2009, also deserves mention.  The Washington Post has the write-up:

Bolivian airline a model operation

In just three years, Bolivia’s state airline has pushed aside private carriers, bucking an international trend toward privatisation while becoming the leader in domestic flights for a poor Andean country where flying remains a luxury.

Boliviana de Aviacion (BoA) has abolished first class and sells all seats for the same low prices, marketing the flights with a socialist stamp in keeping with President Evo Morales’ insistence that ‘all are equal’.

The story of how BoA has managed to fly high while governments elsewhere have been privatising or bailing out their state-run carriers reflects shrewd timing in filling a void in the market, as well as cut-rate fares that have attracted a growing clientele.

BoA now controls about half of Bolivia’s domestic air travel market. As its routes and earnings have grown, it has announced plans to expand its fleet by buying as many as six new Embraer 190 planes from Brazil.

‘BoA has been an interesting bet on the government’s part,’ said Armando Mendez, an analyst and former president of Bolivia’s Central Bank. ‘Little by little, it has captured more acceptance and it competes with the private company AeroSur.’

Mendez said BoA seems to be bringing healthy competition to Bolivia, where five airlines battle in a market of about 1.5 million passengers a year. The airline has successfully filled a gap left by the 2007 failure of Lloyd Aereo Boliviano, a former state-run company that went bankrupt after failed attempts to privatize it.

. . . .
BoA won over clients by offering two-for-one deals during its first year in 2009. Since then, it has kept fares low, and its main competitor AeroSur has accused BoA of unfair pricing tactics and subsidies.

While AeroSur charges about $US245 ($A236) for a round-trip adult ticket between the cities of La Paz and Santa Cruz this month, BoA charges about $US190 ($A183). It also offers discounts for the elderly and children.