Tag Archives: Evo Morales

MAS Candidates Lose in Sucre, Quillacollo

Evo Morales’s party, Movimiento Al Socialism (MAS), just lost municipal elections in Sucre and Quillacollo.  According to many, this is the direct result of the TIPNIS disaster and the recent troubles surrounding judicial elections.

Despite these setbacks, MAS remains a powerful political force.  Two wins in municipal elections does not necessarily foreshadow a loss for MAS in the next presidential race.  Politics in Bolivia is extremely regional; reading too much into these latest results is a dangerous proposition.

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Crisis in Bolivia’s Public Universities

When Evo Morales came to office in 2006, he cut the presidential salary in half and passed a law prohibiting public officials from earning any more than he did.  Against a historical background of elected officials lining their pockets with funds from the public treasury, the move appeared reasonable, perhaps even noble.  Assuming the salary is at least sufficient to meet basic needs, a cap of this sort may serve as a way to screen out opportunists and ensure that those seeking employment with the government are doing so out of a genuine desire to serve the public.

Of course, Evo has tons of perks that ordinary government workers don’t have.  So while the salary is more than enough to support the President’s needs, it often fails to satisfy for those not living in the Presidential Palace.  To make up the difference, public workers, especially university professors, have picked up other jobs.  So far so good.  If the jobs are within the private sector, there is no issue.  But if the second job is also a public job–say, a medical professor who works in a public hospital or a law professor who moonlights as a judge–things get tricky.  According to the government’s interpretation, the law demands that the salaries of these two public jobs be combined.  If the sum exceeds the President’s draw, the individual is in violation.

With this in mind, Cochabamba’s main public university, Universidad Mayor de San Simon (UMSS), fears it may lose half of its professors.  To avoid the limitations of the financial law, so the theory goes, these professors would seek employment with private universities.   With some 60,000 students enrolled at UMSS, this would be a serious blow to public education in Cochabamba.  Presumably a similar dynamic would occur in Bolivia’s other public universities.

I’m not sure how I come down on all this, but I definitely think it merits some serious thought.  Any initial reactions?

Morales Continues to Push Claim to Pacific

Meeting on Saturday in Buenos Aires, Bolivian President Evo Morales and Chilean head of state Sebastián Piñera continued their running conversation regarding Bolivia’s claim to coastal territory.  The two leaders continue to disagree, though Piñera says he remains open to dialogue.

Ever since the War of the Pacific came to a close in 1883, Bolivia has been a landlocked country.  The war with Chile saw Bolivia lose the Antofogasta Territory, a bleak but mineral-rich stretch of coastline that now marks the northern reaches of Chile.  Bolivians have always longed to recover their coast, but political realities and the march of history have gotten in the way.

Over the last few years, though, President Morales has conducted a high-profile publicity campaign to regain the lost territory or at least an access corridor leading to the Pacific Ocean.  He has threatened litigation, including a possible case before The Hague.  Many wonder whether this is a serious threat, or whether Morales sees the Pacific claim as an easy way to play the hero, winning popular support among Bolivians without ever seriously considering litigation.  Perhaps time will tell.  In any event, Bolivia’s chances of winning in court seem quite slim.

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U.S. unfreezes Goni extradition request

Contemplated in the document signed by Bolivia and the U.S. about a month ago–which also saw the two nations reestablish diplomatic relations–the U.S. and Bolivia have kicked off discussions regarding the possible extradition of fomer Bolivian President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, popularly known as “Goni.”  The Morales administration has sought his extradition for years now on charges of genocide and financial crimes.  Even though Bolivia signed an extradition treaty with the U.S. in 1995, the U.S. has so far refused the extradition request, citing a clause that prohibits extradition for “political” reasons.  

The warming of relations between the U.S. and Bolivia is quite interesting.  It’s dangerous to read too much into it, but the timing–this all started to happen shortly after the TIPNIS crisis–raises questions:  Has Morales softened his position vis-a-vis the U.S. out of a recognition that his international and domestic clout has been diminished?  Does the U.S. perceive a regime change in the near future (perhaps in the next round of elections), such that it is aiming to lay the groundwork for a more fruitful relationship with the next Bolivian president?    Food for thought.

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La Paz and Washington Restore Full Diplomatic Ties

As of Monday, Bolivia and the U.S. are back to a normal diplomatic relationship.  This news marks an end to the three-year semi-estrangement during which Bolivia had kicked out the U.S. ambassador and Washington had down the same to the representative from La Paz.  A U.S. representative said the countries plan to exchange ambassadors again as soon as possible.  Although Los Tiempos reports that anti-drug cooperation is on the agenda, President Morales confirmed that the DEA will not be allowed back in the country.  DEA activity in Bolivia has always been the subject of much controversy, and Evo himself claims to have been the victim of DEA-directed violence when he was the leader of the cocaleros’ union.

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Trip to Chapare

This past weekend saw my first trip to the Chapare, a tropical rainforest that occupies the eastern portion of the Department of Cochabamba.  Crossing over the Andes, the ecology quickly changes from a dry, temperate, sparsely vegetated landscape to one flush with intense green and oven-like heat.  Before you hit the real jungle, though, you cross through the cloud-forests.  High up, this region catches the last of the moisture rising from the Amazon plain and holds it there in the form of thick mists.  It’s dangerous driving but the views more than make up for the risk.

Crossing over the Andes on the road to Chapare, cloud forests dominate and offer distraction to the weary driver.

When you finally make it down to the valley floor and turn off the car engine, the sounds and sights overwhelm the senses.  Bird calls that sound like alien chatter, bugs the size of your palm stretched out under the lights (we arrived during the night), and vegetation in untold quantities stretching out to trip you up at every step.  It can be a bit scary at first.  You feel vulnerable, and it’s certainly humbling–so much life is packed into every square meter.

A typical scene in Cochabamba's Chapare region. Intensive cultivation of coca and illegal forestry are just two of the environmental issues facing the region.

Politically, the Chapare is a stronghold of support for the Morales administration.  This is quite evident, even to the casual observer, with MAS propaganda (not defaced for a change) festooned onto almost every other building.

The graffiti on this building reads "NGOs Out" and "Judicial Elections -- Yes." The MAS influence is clear: Evo recently blamed NGOs for fomenting the TIPNIS conflict, while judicial elections have been one of his administration's pet projects.

Chapare is also coca country, and that, at the moment, is cutting both ways for the Morales administration.  On the one hand, the cocaleros are some of Evo’s fiercest supporters.  On the other hand, this alliance has been shaken a bit by Evo’s decision to cancel the road through TIPNIS.  When we tried to pass through Villa Tunari, the main city in the region, we were stopped in our tracks by a road block set up by cocaleros.  They were halting all traffic from Cochabamba to Santa Cruz in protest of the government’s decision.  Although they must realize it would be political suicide for Evo to double-back at this point, the cocaleros are still sending a strong message to La Paz:  “We wanted that road,” they are saying.  “If we can’t have it, you better give us something else in return.”

Road block in Villa Tunari organized by cocaleros.

Blockades are a political tradition in Bolivia, and they are often effective.  However, I am beginning to question whether they are getting out of hand.  An occasional blockade for issues of critical importance may be the sign of a healthy democracy–of people who care about their government’s decision and who are willing to stand up when their government fails to act on their behalf.  But when blockades become commonplace and are used to flout the will of the majority, they may do more harm than good.  Just some thoughts.  I could be wrong.

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Morales Signs Law Prohibiting Construction of Freeway through TIPNIS

It’s official — the road will not go through TIPNIS.  After announcing the decision over the weekend, President Morales signed the bill on Monday, memorializing the about-face as an act of law.  Dario Kenner of Bolivia Diary has the full story here.  As Dario notes, there are still many unresolved issues, including the investigation of police repression and curbing coca cultivation and illegal forestry in the park.  Still, the government’s move resolves the immediate crisis, as evidenced by the TIPNIS marchers’ decision to leave La Paz and return to the lowlands.

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Morales Announces Freeway Will Not Pass Through TIPNIS

Kudos to President Morales for making the right decision. I would have liked to see this happen earlier, but one must give credit where it’s due.

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The Show Ain’t Over, Folks — TIPNIS Marchers Arrive in La Paz, Police Resort to Tear Gas

I’m a little short on details at the moment–I’ve been watching the action from Philadelphia as I get ready to board a plan back to Bolivia this evening–but things are looking dicey in La Paz.  The TIPNIS marchers arrived in La Paz yesterday and crowded the plaza outside the Presidential Palace.  The government had promised a dialogue with TIPNIS representatives but then infuriated the crowd by announcing that the meeting would not take place in the Presidential Palace.  The government finally caved on that, but only after raising the peoples’ anger by denying various people entrance to the plaza (crowd control).  It’s not clear to me when the gas was launched or how many were affected.  I’ll post more as information becomes available.  In the meantime, I direct my readers to Bolivia Diary for play-by-play coverage.

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Article in Foreign Affairs

Foreign Affairs did me the honor of publishing this piece on Evo and the TIPNIS crisis.  Here are the first two paragraphs for those who may be interested:

Evo Morales’s rise from the humblest of origins to the Bolivian presidency has been remarkable. Since taking office five years ago, this son of subsistence farmers has won himself fame, bolstered his support, and filled ordinary Bolivians with pride through his unabashed defense of indigenous rights, his refusal to compromise at the United Nations climate change conference in Copenhagen, and, more broadly, his willingness to thumb his nose at states far larger and more powerful than his own. When the country adopted a new constitution (largely of Morales’s making) that enhanced rights for the environment and native peoples in 2009, the leader in La Paz officially turned his charging rhetoric into concrete results. In the space of just a few years, Morales convinced Bolivians, and not just the traditional elites, that their government can serve their interests and make a difference on the world stage.

All this makes the developments of the last month that much more confusing — and surprising. Many in Bolivia today are asking what went wrong. How is it that, just a year after ushering in a new law that gave unprecedented rights to what he calls “Mother Earth,” Morales fought to build a freeway through a national park, trampling on protected indigenous territory? Could it really be that, after protests erupted, the first indigenous president in the history of Latin America violently repressed the very people who were instrumental in granting him that honor in the first place, leaving more than 100 injured?

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